In major campaigns today, politicians receive contributions from individuals as well as major corporations. This begs the question: do politicians have loyalty to those that finance large portions of their political campaigns? Further, one must investigate the extent to which external influences influence legislation. If it is, in fact, the case that large campaign donations do influence legislation, then it is important to look for this external influence in three major areas: major corporations, the military, and the media. As long as politicians are dependent on votes, they are subservient to public opinion. As politicians need campaign funds, they are loyal to different individuals – or entire industries – that fund them. And, as long as the United States hosts the beast that is the military industrial complex, so shall politicians have to engage it, and therefore be in close contact with military leaders. Politicians walk a very fine line: they need the media to portray their image in a positive manner, they are constantly influenced by corporate lobbyists and corporate funding, but they also must look back to the American people to fulfill their needs and wants. The big question is whether or not they do treat each vote equally – or if they simply consider lobbying interests, military needs and their media image.
First, let us look at the military influences upon politicians.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the militaryindustrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
President Eisenhower properly notes the problem of the military-industrial complex in 1961. And, as the military-industrial complex grew, it naturally began to consolidate and merge in order to grab a larger share-hold of the market. As Ike notes, after the Second World War, the defense industry was faced with a new issue: influence. Never before in our history had a war ended without the simultaneous breakdown of the arms industry and the shrinking of the military establishment. Because of this new found influence, every branch of the military eventually formed its own civilian alumni organization which worked as a lobbying organization between the industry and Congressional officials (this still occurs today). In other words, the military began to unionize – they began to group together and lobby for their own interests in Congress. Since the military has become its own interest group, we see it rapidly reaching its influence into the realm of the legislature.
Today, the Department of Defense spending – excluding the cost of war in Iraq and Afghanistan – budget has grown by about $143 billion since 2001 (FCNL). “Adjusted for inflation, military spending has grown by 27% over this period” (FCNL). And, this spending increase is in a post-Cold War country – a country where the military is one-third smaller than it was during that period. In 2006, world military spending totaled $1,158 billion and nearly half – $528.7 billion – was spent by the United States (FCNL). Why does this excessive spending not cause a tailspin within the American economy? Well, there are several reasons for this. The main explanation being that the government has begun to use the military budget as a public works project – it has created a gigantic military-industrial welfare program. Here is a great example of the relationship: Congress chose to pursue the construction of the MX missile based on the claim that it would create an average of 32,132 jobs each year – and twenty-three states would reap the benefits (Sherrill, Robert Why They Call It Politics 139,140). At the time, Representative Charles E. Bennett (Fl.) correctly stated, “That’s not a way to choose a multi-billion-dollar weapons system. To think a member of Congress would be so parochial as to spend money on a faulted weapon because it might produce jobs in his district is awful. Ye gods, that’s no way to do it” (Sherrill 139,140). As long as the military budget benefits the economy, we are truly stuck in a military-industrial-political complex.
On the Congressional side, politicians must focus so much of the budget on military expenditures. It is easy to understand how military leaders can have so much influence over the leadership of the House and Senate. Beyond the lobbying that occurs, all foreign affairs information is gathered by the Pentagon. All wars are fought by the different branches of the military. Further, the military provides more jobs than any other sector in the United States. So, because Congress must open the purse and fund the military-industrial complex (in order to keep foreign affairs and the economy in order), the military has, to a certain extent, power over political leaders. When it comes to leading a country, and when the military is the top hub of foreign political information, politicians must bow to the power of such a necessary “enemy”.
The military-industrial complex is powered by just that – industry. Companies like Boeing, KBR, DynCorp International and others vie for independent control over government projects. Not only does the military-industrial complex have a strong hand in government – through both extravagant funding and continuous political interactions – but the corporate leaders of America also try to extend their influence into the political realm.
A great example of the relationship between corporate America and political leaders is observed through the Energy Policy Act of 2005. Much before the act was brought to life, in fact, only nine days after being inaugurated President of the United States, President Bush and his administration created the National Energy Policy Development Group which was chaired by Vice President Dick Cheney (Bruce Barcott, Changing All The Rules p.8). The group had, in total, over 40 meetings with energy industry leaders throughout the year. In contrast, the group only met with thirteen environmental groups through the month of April in 2001 (Michael Abramowitz, Steven Mufson Papers Detail Industry’s Role in Cheney’s Energy Report). An important fact to mention is that the energy industry leaders that met with Vice President Cheney and his group include CEO’s from companies such as Exxon Mobile, Enron and Duke Energy.
The National Energy Policy findings were published in 2001 and became the leading recommendation among administration officials. So, when Senator Joe Barton (TX) introduced the Energy Policy Act of 2005, the main influence behind the bill was the National Energy Policy. It passed through the Congress with very little difficulty and was signed into law.
Through investigation, it is found that Senator Joe Barton has a history of relations within the oil industry (U.S. Representative Joe L. Barton. Biography). He was an aide to the Energy Secretary in 1981 (Barton). Then, after moving back to Texas, he worked for ARCO as a natural gas decontrol consultant. And, in 2004, he was elected chairman of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. During his reelection campaign in 2004, he received thousands of dollars from political action committees that represent companies including Duke Energy, El Paso Corp., ChevronTexaco employees PAC, and ExxonMobile.
Now, by no means has Senator Barton ever stated that he works to promote legislation for the interests of the oil, gas and energy industries. But, being that he has relationships dating back to the 1980s with oil companies – he has worked on both sides of the “revolving door” – and that he received large sums of money from political action committees that represent energy corporations, it is strong circumstantial evidence that he was influenced by corporate interests to promote the Energy Policy Act of 2005.
So, when influence is considered, it would follow, rationally, that energy leaders would benefit more than, say, environmental leaders with regard to government funding through the act. And this is exactly the case. The Energy Policy Act of 2005 allowed tax reductions of $4.3 billion for nuclear power, $2.8 billion for fossil fuel, $2.7 billion for renewable electricity and $1.6 billion for clean coal (The Energy Policy Act of 2005). Every single industry that lobbied heavily for the legislation came out receiving billions of dollars in tax breaks. On the other hand, only $1.3 billion, the smallest sum allotted, was given in tax breaks for research and development of alternative motor vehicles and alternative fuel options.
The Energy Policy Act of 2005 is only one example of relations between corporate America and political legislation. But it is by no means the last. It is important to realize the key issue that allows for corporate influence in Washington. Campaign financing laws allow Political Action Committee’s (PAC’s) to donate up to $5,000 to candidates whereas individual donations are limited to only $1,000. Now, of course, one can argue that a PAC represents multiple individuals, and therefore should have the ability to donate more money than an individual. And theoretically, this is a good idea. But, in practice, it is used improperly. Instead, it allows corporate PAC’s to donate more money to politicians than individuals. Thus, political finance laws actually work to mute the voice of individual voters, while at the same time they strengthen the voices of corporate America. Mind you, corporate interests include aspects of the military industrial complex as well as the media. The media – a heavily consolidated block of leadership full of partisanship – is led by corporate leaders like Fox News, CNN, NBC and others. Their power lies in the masses.
Now, since it has been argued that politicians are less subservient to individual votes, and that they are more loyal to corporate and military desires, one must wonder the role of the news media. Well, first, the news media is the public’s major source of information – the oil that turns the wheels of government. So, with this in mind, let us investigate some of the major news organizations. FOX News is a subsidiary of News Corp. which is owned by a Republican, Rupert Murdoch. FOX News Channel is chaired by Republican political strategist Roger Ailes. Fox holds the largest audience in the country among news corporations. MSNBC, one of the other large news networks, has been called leftist by The New York Times – one of the more liberal print news providers. CNN is one of the largest broadcast news providers – owned by Ted Turner – and is also considered left (though it is probably the most unbiased of the prominent cable news sources).
Do not forget though, as John J. O’Connor – The New York Times television critic – stated, “Everyone knows the networks operate from a base of undiluted greed.” Though this may be grossly exaggerated, he makes quite a point. The media is a conglomerate of corporations, and the goal of a corporation is to earn profit. For example, no newspaper gives more than 40% of its paper-space to non-advertising material (Sherrill 402). The press is much less free than it may seem. A. J. Liebling correctly jokes that, “Freedom of the press is reserved for those who own one.” In other words, he is arguing that the freedom of press is held in the few hands that control the media – Rupert Murdoch, the Hearsts, the Grahams, so on and so forth. Being that these industry leaders do control the leading broadcast agencies in the country (some are even global) it is not farfetched that they have influence in politics.
Since broadcast media is the most prominent form of news – that such a large population is receiving its news from this source – it is scary that partisanship exists. But regardless, politicians must deal with this fact. The media has the power of the masses. The image of a politician can be controlled for either positive or negative means by the media. So, because politicians depend on the media, a bond is created. And, within this bond, the media leaders have the power – public opinion. A powerful statistic that shows the extent to which politicians go to achieve a positive media image is that during the 2003-2004 presidential election cycle, candidates, party offices and independent “527” groups spent $1.78 billion on campaign consultants, of which 67% dealt with the media (The Center for Public Integrity).
On the other side of the coin, the media is able to use its power to pursue its own agenda. For example, if the media leaders object to a bill in Congress, it is within their ability to persuade public opinion against the legislation. And, visa versa, if the news moguls like a piece of legislation, they will act accordingly. The danger is that their agenda may not coincide with the needs and wants of the people.
The three major powers – military, corporate and media – work to influence political decision making. The power of the military is its foreign policy prowess and military strength. The corporate powers are seen through extensive lobbying and campaign donations to candidates, all with the hope of influencing legislation. The media holds the most important power, the public opinion. It can twist and turn any story as it wants. Therefore, it has the power to make and break political careers. It comes down to the polis – the people. We must be the watchdog that is informed and intellectual.
What is important to note is that these three powers are able to create access. By no means does their presence guarantee an outcome. Rather, they pay a hefty sum to simply have access to politicians – some of whom fall under the non-democratic trend of following corporate interests and bribes. This is the influence that corporate, military and media leaders have. They hire lobbying firms, host campaign fundraising parties and invite Congressmen to golf tournaments simply to enjoy the opportunity to persuade an official.
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